China and EU can start off 'a new era of shared clean energy leadership'

By: Azhar Azam

Energy transition is vital to cut greenhouse gas emissions, battle air pollution, improve energy security, generate high-tech jobs and foster innovation, as well as to enable sustainable development and climate resilience. After the pandemic, the recent global crisis has redrawn global attention toward energy poverty, with which Europe is struggling.


On January 22, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and French President Emmanuel Macron met in Paris to discuss the European Union's (EU) response to America's discriminatory Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which may help the Joe Biden administration to further its "Made in America" approach, but threatens to regenerate a new transatlantic trade war.

Cooperation is essential to support a clean, green and renewable energy transition, but the U.S. is taking it as an opportunity to fragment the world and strike a blow to the EU economy by cutting the bloc's companies out of the U.S. domestic clean energy market with an intent to make Europe more dependent on Washington.

The $369 billion package provides industrial subsidies and tax credits for domestic production of electric vehicles (EVs), renewable energy, sustainable aviation fuel, hydrogen and other green industries, if they are mostly processed and manufactured in North America and "risk luring" the European businesses to move their investments to America.

During recent weeks, Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo has accused the U.S. of courting their firms "in a very aggressive way" and "bullying" the Netherlands into banning chip-making equipment exports to China. European Commission (EC) President Ursula von der Leyen wonders if the IRA imposes a "negative impact on the level playing field."

At the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum, von der Leyen unveiled the Union's "Green Deal Industrial Plan" and shared her gripes toward the IRA. Taking note of China's progress in clean-tech innovation, EVs and solar panels, she accused Beijing of encouraging energy-intensive companies in Europe to relocate production, yet stressed the EU needed to "work and trade" with the global leader in renewable energy.

China is the dominant supplier and manufacturer of a number of key clean-energy products for it has long committed itself into exploring new clean technologies and poured heavy investments into energy efficiency and wind, solar and other renewables. As Beijing moves on the center stage, the Chinese initiatives have helped drive down clean energy costs "for the benefit of the world."

In June 2017, China brought together the world's leading fossil fuel producers and clean energy proponents in Beijing on a single platform to accelerate the pace of energy transition. The meeting that comprised energy ministers and other high-level delegates from 22 countries and the EU – featuring a new Innovation Theater event to showcase game-changing innovations and inspirations from China – substantiated the fact that Beijing wasn't pursuing dominance but "a new era of shared clean energy leadership."

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), China is predicted to account for almost half of new global renewable power capacity in 2022-2027 and will likely reach its 2030 target of 1,200 gigawatts of total wind and solar capacity "five years in advance." Beijing's growth in hydrogen production offers opportunities to decarbonize industry and transport; it is estimated to have invested $90 billion during the forecasted period, more than triple the investments by the rest of the world combined.

Following years of underinvestment in all forms of energy, including clean energy, the global energy supply shock is being exacerbated by the Ukraine crisis, directly impacting Europe. At this defining moment, China's achievements in clean-tech innovation and expansion across solar panels and EVs can facilitate the EU to write the "story of the clean-tech economy."

Industrial subsidies are one of the trickiest disagreements between Brussels and Washington. The EC and the EU leaders have repeatedly sought for the U.S. to end this discrimination. While Biden isn't ready to make a concession, his climate envoy John Kerry has downplayed the EU's concerns, seeking them to do the "same thing."


A deep sense of urgency has prevailed in the Union since a Korean solar energy company, Hanwha Qcellsa, announced its decision to invest $2.5 billion to manufacture solar panels in Georgia. The problem is the U.S. lacks enough labor support to implement such expansion plans. Still, Biden wants to divert all investments and manufacture everything in America, even as his efforts are obstructing the deployment of clean energy in the country and will delay global energy transition over higher costs of production.

This exemplifies that Biden's approach is wholly driven by the "America First" policy, regardless of whether this protectionism does much harm to global energy transition. His headstrong drive and impulsiveness, to impose its interests on the EU and make the bloc a "playing field," is urging the EU to take "very strong, positive and reassuring" measures to prevent an industry exodus and counter the discriminatory IRA funding by outlining its "own policy."

China has built the world's largest clean energy corridor and turned into a "veritable" green power thanks to mammoth domestic and outbound investments in renewable energy. The East Asian country is strengthening its position as a clean technology innovator through policy consistency spanning decades with innovation being central to China's targets of peaking its emissions by 2030 and achieving carbon neutrality by 2060.

Beijing and Brussels share common interests and objectives on clean energy transition. Since 1994, the two sides have held an annual dialogue to cooperate on energy issues including energy efficiency and the role of innovative energy actors. Bilateral collaboration mechanisms – such as the EU-China Energy Cooperation Platform, funded by the EU Partnership Instrument that is designed to promote the bloc's strategic interests – are there to forge innovative partnerships and create new models of sustainable growth to advance the global transition to net zero-goals and successfully implement the Paris Agreement.

*This is my opinion piece that first appeared at "China Global Television Network (CGTN)":

International efforts should be made to enhance Africa's integration

By: Azhar Azam

For more than three decades, Africa has been a favorite destination for the Chinese foreign ministers who have kicked off their terms or started the New Year by paying their first international visit to the continent. Qin Gang continues this long-held tradition when after making his debut as China's new Foreign Minister, he is in Africa on his inaugural international trip.

China places high value on its relations with Africa and supports the continent's greater role in global affairs and participation in international organizations. At his first stop in Ethiopia during his five-nation trip and visits at the African Union Headquarters and the League of Arab States Headquarters, Qin centered on strengthening the China-Africa economic and security partnership, two closely intertwined areas critical for the continent's sustained growth.

Africa doesn't want to be an "arena of exchange of influence" and seeks to build its relations with all countries on "principles" of cooperation and partnership. China attaches great importance to its longstanding partner. In fact, this year marks the 10th anniversary since Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013 put forward sincerity, real results, amity and good faith, and greater good and shared interests as the guiding principles for a respectable, mutually-beneficial and thriving China-Africa relationship.

Under President Joe Biden, the U.S. is strenuously trying to develop new partnerships to reassert or at least put a stop to its free-falling global influence. In last month's U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, he admitted his forefathers' "unimaginable cruelty" to bring the stolen men, women and children "in chains" yet sought to win back influence across the continent.

There is an obvious divergence in the Chinese and American approaches toward the region. Africa is the priority for Beijing; the continent has never featured prominently in the U.S. global priorities. Indeed, Africa deserves to be treated on its own terms, own will and own needs rather than as a pawn to fuel the U.S. geopolitical campaign against China.

Speaking at a summit session on the African Union's Agenda 2063, Biden said the U.S. would "always lead with our values," support democracy and remain committed to human rights. The statement catches the whiff that his engagement with Africa will be escorted by humanitarian intervention and attempts to impose Western governance system.

Washington's intent of interfering in Africa risks undermining the continent's political stability. The U.S. forgets that democracy isn't just to hold elections; it's all about effective governance, shoring up institutions, undertaking development and welfare projects, and understanding basic needs and delivering benefits to the people by sharing experiences and mutual learning on governance and development.

Beijing realizes Africa's ground realities. For this reason, it has by far the biggest impact on the continent including on the African youth who point to affordability of Chinese products, growing investments and assistance and creation of job opportunities for the "rise of China" in Africa. These efforts in the coming times will expand Africa's middle class and help the continent to turn itself into one of the world's largest consumer populations, estimated alongside business spending at $16.1 trillion by 2050.

Since the dawn of the new century, China has built 6,000 kilometers of roads and railways, almost 20 ports and more than 80 major power facilities as well as funded hundreds of hospitals, schools, sports avenues and agriculture projects. In 2019, the China-Africa trade and Chinese direct investment stock in the continent topped $208 billion and $49 billion, 20 and 100 times the size of 2000. Bilateral trade in 2022 is expected to surpass $260 billion, thanks to faster Chinese imports from Africa.

In addition to boosting trade with Africa and developing its infrastructure, China over the last 20 years has provided tens of thousands of scholarships, established dozens of Confucius Institutes, sent thousands of medical workers to almost all African countries, delivered millions of COVID-19 shots and produced over 40 million Chinese vaccines in Egypt.

All these initiatives tend to demonstrate China is playing a vital role in the continent's economic sustainability, development and regional integration that will give Africa a larger supply market to step up its manufacturing specialization and help African companies become more competitive globally. This further reflects Beijing's strong belief in Africa's ability to chart its own way according to respective national circumstances.

Africa's demographic growth – young population, growing workforce complemented by a rapidly rising middle class with trillions of dollars in buying power over the next few decades and potential to expand trade including African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement in the long-run will boost the continent's economy and increase its relevance on the international stage.

The continent's bright spots don't make Africa a region of competition, influence or target of exploitation; these positive characteristics open the floodgates of global cooperation. As manifold developmental challenges threaten the region's growth, the international community should channel all efforts to strengthen the African-led security and deepen its regional and global integration to help Africa tap its true economic potential and unlock new opportunities for the continent and the world.

*This is my opinion piece that first appeared at "China Global Television Network (CGTN)":

It’s high time to protect America’s children

By: Azhar Azam

Just over a month after the deadliest incident of mass shooting in almost a decade at the Robb Elementary School in Texas that killed 21 people including 19 children and a racist mass shooting in a New York supermarket killing 10 Black people, the US President Biden in June signed the gun safety legislation into law. "At a time when it seems impossible to get anything done in Washington, we are doing something consequential."

Commemorating the 10th anniversary of poignant tragedy of the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School, which massacred 20 first-graders and 6 teachers, Biden on December 14 patted himself for the signing the first major bipartisan gun control law in almost 30 years as well as taking “more executive action” than any other US president.

Within weeks of his assertion, a man in Utah shot down his wife, mother-in-law and five children before committing suicide. Biden and the first lady offered condolences on the "tragic shooting.” But Americans expect the president to do a lot more to stop the carnage of children and women at least given circumstances, for instance pandemic stimulus checks and financial crisis, are fueling the phenomenon.

Over the last twenty years or so, more school-aged children have died from guns in the US than on-duty police officers and active-duty military personnel combined as gun violence has surged across communities, pushing overall death rates to a historic level in almost three decades. Biden cannot just mourn at a time when the US Centers of Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) is warning guns are the number one killer of children, even more than cancer or car accidents.

The Gun Violence Archive (GVA) counted at least 281 mass shootings in the US around the time Biden announced his gun safety law. The figure rose to 648 at the year-end, nearly double the number (336) recorded in 2018. The US has experienced a mass shooting almost every day and once every three weeks, someone is shot at school premises, the Guardian says citing data from the Center for Homeland Defense and Security/GVA.

With some 6,116 (989+5,127) children and teenagers (<17 years) shot in 2022, the most in a single year since the GVA began tracking nine years ago, the shooting of more 16 children (6116/365) a day paints a horrifying picture about the children's safety in the country.

Education Week, an independent news service, reckons there were 51 school shootings across the US in 2022; the K-12 School Shooting Database, using a wider metric, revealed shooting incidents in the US had dramatically increased to 302 in 2022 compared to 250 in 2021 and 119 in 2020. The year 2022 is still in its infancy and 151 children and teenagers have already been shot by January 9.

The year 2002 broke all records for the most school shootings in over four decades and marked one of the most violent years, a pattern matching with a spiking rates of violent and gun crimes across the US; last week's gunshot by a six year old child at his educator raises a “red flag” for the country, showing how adversely the brains of the little angels are influenced by violence.

Brady | United Against Gun Violence estimates more than 300 people are shot in the US every day; 22 of them are children aged 17 or under. The Sandy Hook Promise puts the number of children who die from gun violence every day in America at 44 (12+32). The non-profit group uncovers several shocking facts: The US had 2,032 school shootings since 1970 (reaching at alarming high of 948 since the Sandy Hook School tragedy); some 4.6 million children live in a home where at least one gun is loaded and unlocked; and children in impoverished areas are as much as four times more likely to be killed than their affluent peers.

Indeed, the US cannot be governed unless it safeguards the lives of its citizens, particularly children from this rampant gun violence. The Second Amendment of the US constitution – which defends the right of an individual to carry a handgun in public – will be labeled as a “cruse” as far as it continues to kill Americans and their children.

The CDC has reportedly removed defensive gun use data over pressure from the gun control advocates. The extent to which gun violence has pervaded in the US is intolerable. As some politicians yet offer religious platitudes from Bible to bear arms, it threatens the situation may spiral out of control, necessitating an urgent response from the Biden administration to protect the children at home or in schools.

There are an estimated of 345 to 415 million firearms owned by eight-one million Americans. A country with such a heavily-armed nation can no way secure its “mass shooting generation.” In order to shield US children, the Democrats and Republicans should resist the hawkish elements in their camps, curb a growing fanaticism – making negative impacts on adolescents and kids – and take stringent administrative and legislative measures to end America's fixation with gun culture.

Cooperation in 2023 can break endless chain of global threats

By: Azhar Azam

Before or at the start of a new year, world leaders deliver messages of peace and prosperity, wishing people a brighter future and pledging to guide their nation toward a stable and prosperous future. But the U.S. presidents welcomed the next year by enforcing the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA).

In December 2019, then U.S. President Donald Trump approved a mammoth $738 billion defense bill including the war budget; U.S. Senate unprecedentedly overrode his veto to authorize $740 billion on New Year's Eve in 2021. U.S. President Joe Biden signed the $770 billion NDAA at the end of 2021, which required him to focus on strategic competition.

On December 2022, Biden endorsed another whopping $858 national defense topline for the fiscal year 2023 into law. It marked about a 10 percent increase in military spending and exceeded $45 billion than originally requested to accelerate implementation of the U.S. National Defense Strategy (NDS) that prioritizes strategic competition with China in the Asia-Pacific.

Released in October, the primary focus of the NDS like the National Security Strategy is great power competition and competition with Beijing remaining a "defining feature" of the China-U.S. relationship for the Chinese economic engagement and strategic engagement with the Asia-Pacific and elsewhere is knocking over the U.S. militaristic ambitions.

The NDAA swaps the "Taiwan Policy Act" with the "Taiwan Enhanced Resilience Act." As the bill "dramatically" enhances the U.S. security partnership with China's Taiwan region by establishing a specific defense modernization program for the first time, it contradicts Biden's pledge to ensure China-U.S. competition doesn't veer into a conflict and sharply raises the likelihoods of miscalculation.

It identifies $11.5 billion of investments to support the Pacific Deterrence Initiative objectives and authorizes another $1 billion to the U.S. "Indo-Pacific Command" to implement its "free and open Indo-Pacific plan" in addition to allocating funds for the U.S. Africa Command and seeking integrated air and missile defense cooperation with the Middle East and authorizing full-year budget request for the European Deterrence Initiative.

The NDAA suggests America, through bipartisanship, attempts to bisect the world into security and trading blocs. This reveals an intense U.S. obsession to suppress Chinese economic and technological advancement and disintegrate Beijing's relations with countries of diverse regions to maintain its global military and economic supremacy.

But not many governments fancy a strategic competition since China plays a crucial role in global trade and international stability. China is a driver of international growth and integral part of the global ecosystem; it has also been pivotal in the development of several Asian and African economies, as well as is a supplier of critical technologies to Europe.

The U.S.'s quest to make every region a battleground of strategic competition brings downside risks to the transatlantic relationship given its coercive strategy vis-a-vis European companies to "choose" between two markets will face strong resistance. Biden's export controls may outsmart innovation capacity of local industries; his CHIPS and Science Act aka "friend-shoring" is stripping allies of high-tech production facilities with the Inflation Reduction Act urging an urgent response from Europe.

Washington wants a dependent European Union to lean toward the U.S. Biden is exploiting the Ukraine conflict to kill the bloc's strategic autonomy and highlight America's indispensability; French President Emmanuel Macron recently blew up the perception by seeking to reduce reliance on America and gaining "more autonomy on technology and defense capabilities."

During his term, Trump rejected globalism, shook foundations of the global trading system and used every means to undermine international cooperation. By continuing on with his protectionist policies, Biden supports a nationalist strategy and militarized approach that will push the U.S. away from global cooperation on challenges such as poverty, food and energy crises, climate change and peace.

Inflation is sky-rocketing , many indigenous populations are vulnerable to climate change and at risk of illness and coastline is threatened to see the highest sea levels in 30 year; Biden's militarizing the foreign policy and pouring money into the Pentagon that "has never passed a single audit and can't account for over half its asserts."

Biden is placing his military – world's largest institutional greenhouse gas emitter, violating human rights even in ally-states "with virtual impunity" – ahead of the American people for his self-styled strategic competition. The wasteful spending sums up his "protect" and "promote" approach is driven to limit China's peaceful rise.

In contrast, China has already launched the Global Security Initiative, which is consistent with the UN Charter of international peace and security, to combat threats to peace, supported globalization, proposed the Global Development Initiative and is working with more than 100 countries and organizations to fast-track the implementation of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Rather than trying to check China's growth, undercut Chinese cooperation with the world and disrupt peace of the Taiwan Strait – the U.S. should address growing domestic polarization and social unrest and focus on pressing global challenges, threatening America and the world alike.

For revitalizing the international cooperation in 2023, the Hangzhou Consensus, adopted at the 2016 Hangzhou G20 Summit could be a starting point for leaders there demonstrated "solidarity and resolve" against terrorism, agreed to foster "an interconnected and inclusive" world economy; pledged to address climate change and rejected protectionism.

Competition, strategic or geopolitical, isn't what the world needs going forward. In 2023, global leaders should resume dialogue to deal with the looming hard challenges no country or select group of countries can handle alone. Should America come out of the zero-sum competition mode, it will set the tone for wider international cooperation. China and the U.S. are two important global powers and cooperation, from trade and technology to security, between them is critical to break the endless chain of international threats.

*This is my opinion piece that first appeared at "China Global Television Network (CGTN)":

Why is Marcos warming up to China?

By: Azhar Azam

Returning home after ending her three-day trip to China, President Corazon Aquino in April 1988 said Beijing and Manila had agreed to “shelve” territorial disputes and spotlight ratcheting up trade from $293 million to $450 million by the end of the year and to $600-$800 million over the next five years, stressing peace and harmony were "essential" for economic development.

The consensus to “set aside differences” and pursue people's prosperity in the coming decades would become a cardinal principle of deep, multifaceted China-Philippine economic relationship and pushd bilateral trade to more than $38 billion in 2021, benefiting the people and businesses in both countries.

Right through his first international visit in 2023, what he called a “very important trip” and wanted his nation to wish him good luck, President Ferdinand Marcos in China continued the same wisdom. While he didn't mention the territorial disagreements over the West Philippine Sea (or the South China Sea), rather discussed with Chinese President Xi Jinping to prevent "any possible mistakes" leading to unintended consequences, his focus remained on strengthening economic partnership.

In recent months, Marcos has struck a soft tone toward China. After meeting with Xi last November at the Asia-Pacific Economic Forum, Marcos described his interaction as “very pleasant.” Admiring “tremendous growth” in bilateral exchanges and cooperation in agriculture, infrastructure, energy and people-to-people exchanges, he sought to enhance the economic and development collaboration. On the South China Sea, two leaders agreed maritime disputes didn't "define the totality" of the relations.

The talks followed the Filipino president’s urge to his fellow countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to “ensure that the South China Sea remains a sea of peace, a sea of security and stability and of prosperity,” underscoring peaceful negotiations is an overriding factor of Marcos' approach.

During recent exchanges, two countries signed 14 bilateral agreements and MOUs on agriculture and fisheries, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), digital and information communications technology, durian exports to China, tourism, infrastructure, economic and technical cooperation and establishment of a communication mechanism on maritime issues as well as built consensus to promote cooperation on oil and gas exploration in non-disputed areas and solar and wind energy.

Marcos is inching toward achieving his objectives as before departing to Beijing, he hoped to "return home" after negotiating agreements on durian exports, bridge construction and digital cooperation and renewing Philippine’s commitment to BRI to “benefit (his) countrymen.” That is why, a high-level diplomatic delegation including former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo anda large group of businessmen accompanied him to solidify the relationship and add another “chapter” to the comprehensive strategic partnership.

Both countries assert maritime claims in the South China Sea yet by managing differences and sustaining engagements in the areas of agriculture, education, economy, investment, trade and cultural exchanges – Beijing and Manila can discover new vistas for mutual growth, transform their ties into one of the strongest in the world make the coming times “years of opportunity.”

Many Filipinos are still grappling with economic aftershocks of the pandemic. Food and energy inflation is compounding their problems, necessitating a close regional liaison to contend with the fallouts of the omicron-driven Covid-19 long tail and other infectious diseases that may or have emerged such as monkeypox, which by December had registered 80,000.

Once the Covid-19 broke out in the Philippines, China quickly expressed solidarity with the country and offered cooperation. At a time when the Western governments amassed vaccines for themselves, Beijing dispatched regular shipments of large doses overseas including the ASEAN. In Asia and the Pacific, China is by far the largest supplier of vaccines.

Beijing is the archipelago's largest trading partner and before the pandemic, was the second-largest source of tourist arrivals. Marcos is keen to see Chinese students, tourists and investors back. The implementation of a tourism deal between China and the Philippines will create more jobs and attract further investments in the country's tourism sector, said the Filipino Tourism Secretary Christina Garcia Frasco.

After meeting with Marcos, Chinese investors have pledged to invest about $23 billion in the Philippines including roughly $14 billion in renewable energy, more than $7 billion in strategic monitoring including electrical vehicles and mineral processing and some $1.7 billion in agribusiness. The Philippines also has the largest number of sister city pairs with China in the region, a link that charts the way forward for a promising future.

Given unpredictable typhoons and severe droughts have driven down the Philippines' agriculture output and Manila historically has a strong desire to partner with Beijing on construction projects, a broader China-Philippine collaboration is a compelling necessity. Manila may acquire agriculture technology from Beijing to increase its rice production and develop the country’s railroad, highway and dam infrastructure through investment under the BRI framework whose renewal agreement was also signed.

Another area of Marcos' interest is revitalizing the potential of the Philippines' exports to China. Over the last five to six years, the number of products Manila sent to Beijing has dramatically increased five-times, thanks to the China Import Export Expo. As both sides agreed to bring bilateral trade and tourist arrivals at pre-pandemic levels and even more than that, Marcos' visit marked the first step toward injecting new life in the Philippines' tourism sector and expanding exports to China by an additional $14.1 billion.

Manila’s participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) further boosts its strategic advantage for investments alongside providing more opportunities in “a most extensive free trade area.” The world’ largest free trade agreement, unlike other "pseudo" economic initiatives such the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, provides an improved market access for several Philippine products in China.

After Europeanization and Americanization in the 19th and 20th centuries, the world is being Asianized. Home to more than 50% of the global population, Asia graduated from low- to middle-income status within a generation and is predicted to account for more than 50% and 40% of the world economy and global consumption.

Showing the extent with which the global center of gravity was shifting to Asia, the McKinsey Research Institute’s research in 2019 divided Asia in four groups: China being the one that was "large enough and sufficiently distinct from other regional countries to stand in its own category" and which could act as an anchor economy and connectivity and innovation platform for its neighbors.

For countries in Asia-Pacific, it’s however important to set the guardrails for conflict prevention, keep dialogue afloat and chug along the path of regional stability and prosperity. The "Asian century" is almost there with China's rise steering the direction of this marvelous journey for at least a number of years. The Global North may bust a gut to delay but can’t cease the Global South’s imminent economic uplift. By warming up to Beijing, Marcos is seizing the opportunity to ensure the Philippines doesn't lag behind in the grand "Asian moment."