By: Azhar Azam
*This is one of my opinion pieces (unedited) that first appeared at "China Global Television Network (CGTN)":
https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-28/Lack-of-sincerity-doubts-the-U-S-engagement-in-Indo-Pacific--RFGRiBJSCc/index.html
A report by a Chinese think tank, National Institute of for South China Sea Studies (NISCSS), said that the Trump administration has been trying to exert the US security, political and economic influence in the Asia-Pacific through the troop deployment from its Indo-Pacific Command and large-scale high-tech and latest weaponry and a broad series of controversial “Indo-Pacific” strategies.
The study pressed the US to drop the impression of starting a new cold war and hail China’s concept of non-conflict, non-confrontation, mutual respect and win-win cooperation that would reduce the risk of a military conflict between the largest and second-largest economies of the world and ensure peace and stability in the region.
Urging a military-to-military cooperation, the paper suggested that the two sides should prioritize to resolve differences and set up hotline links, implement confidence and crisis prevention agreement and work to create a felicitous environment for communication and dialogue on nuclear security, cyber and outer space and artificial intelligence.
It is now a secret of Polichinelle that the US has been making frantic and grievous efforts to dominate the Asia-Pacific and the Strait of Malacca, from where nearly 60% of the world’s gross domestic product (GDP) flows, to overcome its economic headlocks by positioning the so-called security forces assistance brigades (SFABs).
Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy in January asserted that Washington would send its training and advisory units in 2021 and 2022 to the Asia-Pacific to “neutralize all the investments in China and Russia have made.” The move to deploy multi-domain task forces – with a focus on the realms of intelligence, information, cyber, electronic warfare and space (I2CEWS) – was to be bolstered by making new alliances with the regional partners and signing a new agreement with the National Reconnaissance Office that develops the US spy satellites.
The US Department of Defense in early 2018 announced to stand up one National Guard and five active-duty SFABs and installed the first in Afghanistan in May 2018. The Fort Bragg, NC-based 2nd SFAB replaced the first in the spring of 2019, which is now slated to be swapped by another this month. Washington has so far arrayed the brigades in Afghanistan, Iraq and Africa and lately sent a unit to assistant the Colombian army.
Although the Pentagon claimed the success of the first SFAB in Afghanistan, the US Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) expressed his skepticism in the ability and competence of the specialized forces. Speaking on June 2019 report, SIGAR chief John Sopko said that the training and advisory mission couldn’t develop the capabilities of Afghan security forces because it failed to find enough experienced advisors and despite offerings of a number incentives, “the first SFAB was (just) filling billets right up to the day they departed.”
American embassy on May 28 announced the arrival of a SFAB in Colombia to help its fight against drug trafficking. But it wasn’t welcomed in the country either over doubts whether the effort was part of a security strategy between the two countries or linked with a veiled alliance against Venezuela. The leaders of opposition party slammed the move and accused the US for starting a regional war.
It is thus somewhat incredulous how the US task forces in the Pacific would help the country to ensure the pretended “ironclad and enduring commitment” to the region and strengthen American position to conduct global commerce, build investors’ confidence and allot it to compete economically. Instead, any sort of incitement in its priority-theater would nonplus global economy, quiver capital markets and shake up stockholders’ trust.
The US should needs to remodel its strategy and stop baiting nations in the Asia Pacific for annexing a teeming influence in the vital shipping lanes and pursue the path of cooperation, mutual existence, peaceful development and shared growth that would be the bedrock of a renewed Sino-US collaboration in an era tensed global economic topography.
Making headway, China’s commitment to defend world peace, advance development worldwide and upholding international order provides an ideal footprint to thwart frictions and promote cooperation between the two countries in the Asia-Pacific. It nevertheless should bet counterweighted with the equitable response and trust building measures from the US.
It is by dint of unswerving Chinese efforts to lift mutual assurance and multilateral engagement with ASEAN nations that their conviction in Beijing is climbing. The State of Southeast Asia survey 2020 by a Singaporean firm ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute earlier this year found that 7 out of 10 ASEAN member states preferred China over the US.
Beijing’s concept of the Asia-Pacific is comprehensive and pragmatic. It describes irrespective of what initiatives and ideas are proposed, that should not affect the existing cooperation, mechanisms and achievements in the region and emphasis should be given on consensus, openness and inclusiveness without engaging in geographical confrontations.
The issue of South China Sea is however a matter of sovereignty and maritime right but Beijing is still committed to resolve the row with ASEAN countries through political consensus and peaceful dialogue. In its extensive promise with the regional allies, China hasn’t drilled a single oil well before a concord was reached. Wherefore, it remains ASEAN’s largest partner for 11 consecutive years that is the attestation of growing empathy between the two sides.
Only a strong and stable China can bankroll peace and development in the region and beyond while its economic growth is also in the interest of the US as it would ensure Beijing to meet its purchase commitments under the phase-1 trade deal with Washington and help the Trump administration to stem the flow of rising job losses and even reverse the trajectory.
China usefulness, as key contributor to the US economy, has proven many times in the past and was again established when recently country’s conflict-sensitive Dow futures dove nearly 400 points after the White House trade advisor Peter Navarro incorrectly claimed that the trade deal was “over” and Trump had to intervene to paraphrase that the treaty was “intact.”
This is pretty obvious that in a rapidly-maturing, well-informed and technologically-transformed world, the countries can’t be conned by the US assertions that its approach for the Asia-Pacific is to safeguard “sovereignty, freedom, openness, rule of law, fairness and reciprocity” and doesn’t exclude China. Washington’s claims about playing a constructive role can only be endorsed if it ceases to exacerbate situation in the Asia-Pacific and sincerely engages Beijing for a durable peace and sustainable economic development in the region.
*This is one of my opinion pieces (unedited) that first appeared at "China Global Television Network (CGTN)":
https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-28/Lack-of-sincerity-doubts-the-U-S-engagement-in-Indo-Pacific--RFGRiBJSCc/index.html
A report by a Chinese think tank, National Institute of for South China Sea Studies (NISCSS), said that the Trump administration has been trying to exert the US security, political and economic influence in the Asia-Pacific through the troop deployment from its Indo-Pacific Command and large-scale high-tech and latest weaponry and a broad series of controversial “Indo-Pacific” strategies.
The study pressed the US to drop the impression of starting a new cold war and hail China’s concept of non-conflict, non-confrontation, mutual respect and win-win cooperation that would reduce the risk of a military conflict between the largest and second-largest economies of the world and ensure peace and stability in the region.
Urging a military-to-military cooperation, the paper suggested that the two sides should prioritize to resolve differences and set up hotline links, implement confidence and crisis prevention agreement and work to create a felicitous environment for communication and dialogue on nuclear security, cyber and outer space and artificial intelligence.
It is now a secret of Polichinelle that the US has been making frantic and grievous efforts to dominate the Asia-Pacific and the Strait of Malacca, from where nearly 60% of the world’s gross domestic product (GDP) flows, to overcome its economic headlocks by positioning the so-called security forces assistance brigades (SFABs).
Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy in January asserted that Washington would send its training and advisory units in 2021 and 2022 to the Asia-Pacific to “neutralize all the investments in China and Russia have made.” The move to deploy multi-domain task forces – with a focus on the realms of intelligence, information, cyber, electronic warfare and space (I2CEWS) – was to be bolstered by making new alliances with the regional partners and signing a new agreement with the National Reconnaissance Office that develops the US spy satellites.
The US Department of Defense in early 2018 announced to stand up one National Guard and five active-duty SFABs and installed the first in Afghanistan in May 2018. The Fort Bragg, NC-based 2nd SFAB replaced the first in the spring of 2019, which is now slated to be swapped by another this month. Washington has so far arrayed the brigades in Afghanistan, Iraq and Africa and lately sent a unit to assistant the Colombian army.
Although the Pentagon claimed the success of the first SFAB in Afghanistan, the US Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) expressed his skepticism in the ability and competence of the specialized forces. Speaking on June 2019 report, SIGAR chief John Sopko said that the training and advisory mission couldn’t develop the capabilities of Afghan security forces because it failed to find enough experienced advisors and despite offerings of a number incentives, “the first SFAB was (just) filling billets right up to the day they departed.”
American embassy on May 28 announced the arrival of a SFAB in Colombia to help its fight against drug trafficking. But it wasn’t welcomed in the country either over doubts whether the effort was part of a security strategy between the two countries or linked with a veiled alliance against Venezuela. The leaders of opposition party slammed the move and accused the US for starting a regional war.
It is thus somewhat incredulous how the US task forces in the Pacific would help the country to ensure the pretended “ironclad and enduring commitment” to the region and strengthen American position to conduct global commerce, build investors’ confidence and allot it to compete economically. Instead, any sort of incitement in its priority-theater would nonplus global economy, quiver capital markets and shake up stockholders’ trust.
The US should needs to remodel its strategy and stop baiting nations in the Asia Pacific for annexing a teeming influence in the vital shipping lanes and pursue the path of cooperation, mutual existence, peaceful development and shared growth that would be the bedrock of a renewed Sino-US collaboration in an era tensed global economic topography.
Making headway, China’s commitment to defend world peace, advance development worldwide and upholding international order provides an ideal footprint to thwart frictions and promote cooperation between the two countries in the Asia-Pacific. It nevertheless should bet counterweighted with the equitable response and trust building measures from the US.
It is by dint of unswerving Chinese efforts to lift mutual assurance and multilateral engagement with ASEAN nations that their conviction in Beijing is climbing. The State of Southeast Asia survey 2020 by a Singaporean firm ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute earlier this year found that 7 out of 10 ASEAN member states preferred China over the US.
Beijing’s concept of the Asia-Pacific is comprehensive and pragmatic. It describes irrespective of what initiatives and ideas are proposed, that should not affect the existing cooperation, mechanisms and achievements in the region and emphasis should be given on consensus, openness and inclusiveness without engaging in geographical confrontations.
The issue of South China Sea is however a matter of sovereignty and maritime right but Beijing is still committed to resolve the row with ASEAN countries through political consensus and peaceful dialogue. In its extensive promise with the regional allies, China hasn’t drilled a single oil well before a concord was reached. Wherefore, it remains ASEAN’s largest partner for 11 consecutive years that is the attestation of growing empathy between the two sides.
Only a strong and stable China can bankroll peace and development in the region and beyond while its economic growth is also in the interest of the US as it would ensure Beijing to meet its purchase commitments under the phase-1 trade deal with Washington and help the Trump administration to stem the flow of rising job losses and even reverse the trajectory.
China usefulness, as key contributor to the US economy, has proven many times in the past and was again established when recently country’s conflict-sensitive Dow futures dove nearly 400 points after the White House trade advisor Peter Navarro incorrectly claimed that the trade deal was “over” and Trump had to intervene to paraphrase that the treaty was “intact.”
This is pretty obvious that in a rapidly-maturing, well-informed and technologically-transformed world, the countries can’t be conned by the US assertions that its approach for the Asia-Pacific is to safeguard “sovereignty, freedom, openness, rule of law, fairness and reciprocity” and doesn’t exclude China. Washington’s claims about playing a constructive role can only be endorsed if it ceases to exacerbate situation in the Asia-Pacific and sincerely engages Beijing for a durable peace and sustainable economic development in the region.