By: Azhar Azam
*This is one of my opinion pieces that first appeared in CGTN:
https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-07-21/Trump-Khan-meeting-The-U-S-needs-to-focus-on-Afghan-peace-Ivbrhtm9j2/index.html
Peace in Afghanistan will dominate the agenda in the breakthrough Khan-Trump summit-level talks next week as Imran Khan makes his maiden trip to the US since becoming the prime minister of Pakistan.
The former cricketer-turned-politician gained applause for Pakistan, following its constructive facilitation efforts to the US-Taliban peace talks for Afghan peace process. Islamabad also tiled the contingency of an inclusive intra-Afghan dialogue after it outwardly persuaded Taliban to hold direct negotiations with Afghan officials.
It was Islamabad’s veiled contributions to peace that for the first time ever, Kabul is firmly stepping towards peace and stability. Last week, China-Russia-US alliance on Afghanistan also welcomed Pakistan as fourth-party to join the trilateral consultations, trusting that the Afghan-contiguous country can play a vital role in rekindling peace in Afghanistan.
As Khan and Trump are expected to wipe out the stains from the roughed Pakistan-US bilateral relations, they would also discuss about a possible ceasefire by Taliban that would preclude a durable peace in Afghanistan. However, there is potentially another issue, which could be conferred in the meet – China’s containment in Afghanistan.
Along with Moscow and Washington, Beijing is a key deal broker for an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned” peace process that is acceptable to both Afghan government and Taliban. This as well as Chinese unique ability to maintain good relations with the two leading Afghan stakeholders, makes it a gallant partner for the contenders vying for influence.
Days before Afghan peace talks with the US and intra-Afghan dialogue in Doha, a Taliban delegation led by Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar visited Beijing to promote peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan.
China is coming up with an economic solution to ragged Afghanistan. Through its signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and preferential trade tariffs, Beijing is offering Kabul an opportunity to overwhelm its economic and infrastructure downslide.
It has formally invited Afghan government to join its BRI and through Afghanistan-China-Pakistan trilateral foreign ministers’ dialogue, it is also fostering political, reconciliation, development, infrastructure, connectivity, and security cooperation with President Ashraf Ghani’s regime.
Taliban hides a shrewd political acumen. They discern that in case of their inclusion in Afghan government, they would essentially in need of the political and economic support from Beijing and Islamabad so they have not shown any qualms on burgeoning Chinese ties with Kabul administration.
China, therefore, would buckle down that Taliban and Kabul administration prevail over the disputes and join its connectivity and infrastructure drive, which bids to transform Afghanistan from a landlocked land to a land-linked territory.
For the US that has spent about hundreds of billions of US dollars to fight terrorism in Afghanistan and to train the Afghan National Army (ANA) – it would not at all be endurable that China reaps the post-peace economic and strategic benefits. So, Trump would build a case to Khan about plausible Chinese advancement in Afghanistan even if the US subscribes to withdraw its troops.
But mulling over the promising, flourishing, and persisting Sino-Pak relations and Chinese recurrent diplomatic and economic support to Pakistan, Prime Minister Khan would be in a position not to deliver anything substantial to the US on China.
Khan is different from his predecessors. He has been a staunch supporter of Beijing’s BRI and its economic policies about poverty alleviation and corruption campaign. Khan has also been advocating peace negotiations with Afghan Taliban at a time when they were thought to be the ‘pariahs’.
In addition, Pakistani prime minister would believe if US-Taliban talks and intra-Afghan dialogue transpire into a long-lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan, the turmoil in the country would shift from military-related to economic-oriented. This would be situation where China’s role could be decisive in ushering Afghan economy.
While all the assailants bade to conquer Afghanistan and not the Afghan hearts; the military strategy pushed the conditions in the battle-weary Afghanistan to further deteriorate. Khan has time and again shown his concerns about the unprofessed interests of the interlopers that have unvaryingly obliterated the Afghan land and region – eliciting tensions around the world.
Despite Afghan government’s antipathies and the frictions in Afghanistan-Pakistan bilateral ties, the people of two countries are bound in historical links and deep relations. Therefore, peace in Afghanistan is the ultimate priority of Pakistani premier.
Islamabad is Kabul’s natural choice when it comes to trade cooperation. Should Beijing seek any support from Islamabad for ratcheted-up economic cooperation for Kabul – the campaigner of smooth and sustainable relations with the neighboring countries would cordially welcome and would avert any idea to derail Chinese peace and economic initiatives in Afghanistan. Instead, he would welcome increased Beijing’s salubrious participation in Afghan national development because it goes with the interests of Islamabad.
Khan-Trump talks would be more constructive and more consequential if bilateral discussions are constricted to peace in Afghanistan and in stitching fractured relations with Pakistan. The US of course can work with China and Pakistan to make the Afghan conditions conducive to peace which is after all, is its core objective.
*This is one of my opinion pieces that first appeared in CGTN:
https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-07-21/Trump-Khan-meeting-The-U-S-needs-to-focus-on-Afghan-peace-Ivbrhtm9j2/index.html
Peace in Afghanistan will dominate the agenda in the breakthrough Khan-Trump summit-level talks next week as Imran Khan makes his maiden trip to the US since becoming the prime minister of Pakistan.
The former cricketer-turned-politician gained applause for Pakistan, following its constructive facilitation efforts to the US-Taliban peace talks for Afghan peace process. Islamabad also tiled the contingency of an inclusive intra-Afghan dialogue after it outwardly persuaded Taliban to hold direct negotiations with Afghan officials.
It was Islamabad’s veiled contributions to peace that for the first time ever, Kabul is firmly stepping towards peace and stability. Last week, China-Russia-US alliance on Afghanistan also welcomed Pakistan as fourth-party to join the trilateral consultations, trusting that the Afghan-contiguous country can play a vital role in rekindling peace in Afghanistan.
As Khan and Trump are expected to wipe out the stains from the roughed Pakistan-US bilateral relations, they would also discuss about a possible ceasefire by Taliban that would preclude a durable peace in Afghanistan. However, there is potentially another issue, which could be conferred in the meet – China’s containment in Afghanistan.
Along with Moscow and Washington, Beijing is a key deal broker for an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned” peace process that is acceptable to both Afghan government and Taliban. This as well as Chinese unique ability to maintain good relations with the two leading Afghan stakeholders, makes it a gallant partner for the contenders vying for influence.
Days before Afghan peace talks with the US and intra-Afghan dialogue in Doha, a Taliban delegation led by Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar visited Beijing to promote peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan.
China is coming up with an economic solution to ragged Afghanistan. Through its signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and preferential trade tariffs, Beijing is offering Kabul an opportunity to overwhelm its economic and infrastructure downslide.
It has formally invited Afghan government to join its BRI and through Afghanistan-China-Pakistan trilateral foreign ministers’ dialogue, it is also fostering political, reconciliation, development, infrastructure, connectivity, and security cooperation with President Ashraf Ghani’s regime.
Taliban hides a shrewd political acumen. They discern that in case of their inclusion in Afghan government, they would essentially in need of the political and economic support from Beijing and Islamabad so they have not shown any qualms on burgeoning Chinese ties with Kabul administration.
China, therefore, would buckle down that Taliban and Kabul administration prevail over the disputes and join its connectivity and infrastructure drive, which bids to transform Afghanistan from a landlocked land to a land-linked territory.
For the US that has spent about hundreds of billions of US dollars to fight terrorism in Afghanistan and to train the Afghan National Army (ANA) – it would not at all be endurable that China reaps the post-peace economic and strategic benefits. So, Trump would build a case to Khan about plausible Chinese advancement in Afghanistan even if the US subscribes to withdraw its troops.
But mulling over the promising, flourishing, and persisting Sino-Pak relations and Chinese recurrent diplomatic and economic support to Pakistan, Prime Minister Khan would be in a position not to deliver anything substantial to the US on China.
Khan is different from his predecessors. He has been a staunch supporter of Beijing’s BRI and its economic policies about poverty alleviation and corruption campaign. Khan has also been advocating peace negotiations with Afghan Taliban at a time when they were thought to be the ‘pariahs’.
In addition, Pakistani prime minister would believe if US-Taliban talks and intra-Afghan dialogue transpire into a long-lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan, the turmoil in the country would shift from military-related to economic-oriented. This would be situation where China’s role could be decisive in ushering Afghan economy.
While all the assailants bade to conquer Afghanistan and not the Afghan hearts; the military strategy pushed the conditions in the battle-weary Afghanistan to further deteriorate. Khan has time and again shown his concerns about the unprofessed interests of the interlopers that have unvaryingly obliterated the Afghan land and region – eliciting tensions around the world.
Despite Afghan government’s antipathies and the frictions in Afghanistan-Pakistan bilateral ties, the people of two countries are bound in historical links and deep relations. Therefore, peace in Afghanistan is the ultimate priority of Pakistani premier.
Islamabad is Kabul’s natural choice when it comes to trade cooperation. Should Beijing seek any support from Islamabad for ratcheted-up economic cooperation for Kabul – the campaigner of smooth and sustainable relations with the neighboring countries would cordially welcome and would avert any idea to derail Chinese peace and economic initiatives in Afghanistan. Instead, he would welcome increased Beijing’s salubrious participation in Afghan national development because it goes with the interests of Islamabad.
Khan-Trump talks would be more constructive and more consequential if bilateral discussions are constricted to peace in Afghanistan and in stitching fractured relations with Pakistan. The US of course can work with China and Pakistan to make the Afghan conditions conducive to peace which is after all, is its core objective.